Japan's Revisionist History
By Philip J. Cunningham April 11, 2005, p.B11, Los Angeles Times
COMMENTARY
The United States, ever quick to criticize China for human rights
abuses, has of late been remarkably silent about Japan's ethical
lapses, current and historical.
Japanese politicians and publishers have made a cottage industry
of denying the 1937 Nanking Massacre in which the Japanese killed
hundreds of thousands of civilians in the old Chinese capital. This
is an offense to Chinese sensibilities comparable with Holocaust
denial in Europe. In recent months, major publishers and broadcasters
have been bullied to conform and self-censor in accord with the
rising tide of resurgent militarism. That tacit government approval
is given to such xenophobic, right-wing thinking can be seen in
the latest Ministry of Education-approved school texts that erase
or evade critical lessons drawn from Japan's bad behavior in its
war of aggression.
In the "New History Textbook," the Nanking Massacre is
dismissed as a controversial "incident." And the war of
invasion is no longer termed an invasion. New textbooks drop references
to "comfort women," sex slaves of mostly Chinese and Korean
origin who were forced to service Japanese fighting men in the field.
To borrow a phrase from the late writer Iris Chang, the abused women
are being raped a second time, this time by defenders of the Japanese
army who attempt to erase them from memory.
China and the U.S. were allies in World War II, each contributing
in its own way to the defeat of Japanese militarism. But the Cold
War saw the U.S. turn away from China and embrace Japan, with the
result that China's vast suffering, estimated at 20 million dead,
was never properly memorialized or recognized by its erstwhile ally.
To add insult to injury, the U.S. found it expedient to work with
Emperor Hirohito and other war criminals of that era in order to
facilitate occupation and bolster its anti-communism crusade. Now
that the Cold War is over, it is high time the U.S. lend support
to China's valid historical complaints.
But Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, who has linked his
political fate with the unrepentant rightists at home and President
Bush's policy abroad, keeps the unholy alliance functioning, offering
vocal support for U.S. aggression in Iraq while hailing Japan's
fallen military heroes of a bygone era. As if to secure U.S. complacency
on controversial textbook changes, U.S. actions in Iraq have been
sanitized by Japanese textbook committees that, for instance, whited
out "unilateral" from a recent text.
The cozy Tokyo-Washington relationship makes it difficult for the
U.S. to take a judicious stand on anti-China antics such as history
textbook revision. Last October, while Koizumi was lending vocal
support to Bush in the presidential race and the war in Iraq, Shueisha,
one of Japan's leading publishers, suspended publication of an acclaimed
historical manga (comic book), "My Country is Burning,"
for its unflinching portrayal of the Nanking Massacre.
In Beijing last week, Japanese Ambassador Koreshige Anami defended
the publishing of right-wing textbooks as a testament to Japan's
"freedom of speech and publication." Why then was veteran
manga artist Motomiya Hiroshi forced to retract and apologize for
"My Country is Burning"? Why then did the NHK TV network,
after getting a high-level warning, preemptively cut short a program
on comfort women that laid blame on the emperor? If a Chinese Internet
cafe gets closed down, it's front-page news. Why isn't the U.S.
equally concerned about setbacks to free speech in Japan?
The U.S. should not look the other way in the face of resurgent
Japanese militarism, even though a Japan freed of the constraints
of its own reprehensible past behavior might serve to keep China
on edge or might add muscle to the U.S. policing of the world. The
ultimate consequence of whitewashing the past could be the demise
of Japan's admirable Peace Constitution, allowing Japan to retool
its formidable industrial base into a weapons industry threatening
its neighbors and possibly triggering an unprecedented arms race
and another world war.
Philip J. Cunningham, a Fulbright research fellow, has worked on
feature films and documentaries in China since 1986.
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