Introduction

Canyon de Chelly is an important natural and archaeological area of the Colorado Plateau located in the northeastern corner of Arizona on the Navajo Nation. The canyon walls are formed by petrified sand dunes, deposited when much of southwestern North America was a windswept, lifeless desert during the Permian Era, 230 million years B.P.

Over time, erosion of this sandstone, known as the de Chelly formation, has produced countless caves, alcoves and rock shelters in the canyon walls which were used by Native Americans throughout prehistoric and historic times. In addition to de Chelly, several side canyons of varying size cut into the Defiance Plateau, sheltering well-preserved prehistoric Indian sites. More than a thousand years of human occupation are represented by the many petroglyphs and pictographs found in this dramatic setting, from handprints to shamanistic figures.

James Stevenson, on an 1882 Smithsonian Institution expedition in the region, originally found the remains of prehistoric Indian burials in the largest tributary canyon of Canyon de Chelly, leading to its name, Canyon del Muerto, or "Canyon of the Dead." The name de Chelly is actually an Hispanicized version of the Navajo word for canyon, tséyi', while Tsegi Canyon in nearby Navajo National Monument reflects an Anglicized version.

The meandering steams that carved the canyons originate in the Chuska Mountains to the east. These streams, some of which are ephemeral, are important riparian corridors as they wind their way westward, eventually emptying into Chinle Wash. Except for the last few miles, the streams and tributaries are enclosed by vertical-walled canyons about 1,000 feet high. Almost every vertical canyon wall in de Chelly is stained by dark deposits of manganese and iron oxide. These blue/black and red streamers appear as if they have been painted onto the rock, earning them the name "tapestries."

Temperatures in the de Chelly canyons range from 104°F in the summer to -30°F in the winter. Despite these extremes, the alluvial benches and coves of the canyons provide ideal farming conditions during the growing season. Flash floods often occur after heavy summer rainfall. After these floods retreat, saturated sandy areas on the canyon floor can become quicksand, a dangerous condition that has claimed the lives of numerous animals, including livestock.

Biota of Canyon de Chelly

Vegetation in the region ranges from desert grassland in Chinle Wash to mixed conifer forests at the higher elevations of the Defiance Plateau uplands. Along the canyons' waterways, Fremont cottonwood is the most abundant tree, many of which have been planted by the National Park Service to control erosion. The Park Service also introduced several non-native tree species for the same purpose: tamarisk, Russian olive and peach-leaf willow.

Pinyon-juniper woodlands cover large areas of the surrounding plateaus and have provided an important food source to the canyon's occupants since prehistoric times: the pinyon nut. Other common plants of the area that have been important resources for humans include the yucca for making sandals, baskets and cord, the Rocky Mountain bee plant for black pottery paint, and the western chokecherry for use in Navajo ceremony. Hopi peoples introduced the cultivated peach to the region in the 17th or 18th centuries.

The diverse plant communities of the de Chelly region provide habitats for a variety of animals. Large mammals include mule deer, black bear, coyote, mountain lion, porcupine and badger. Common rodents of the area are jack rabbit, cottontail, Abert's squirrel and pocket gopher. Many resident and migratory birds can be observed in and around the canyon, including golden eagle, turkey vulture, raven and great horned owl. In addition, five amphibian species and eleven reptiles make the canyon their home. Several species have been extirpated from the region since the arrival of Anglos, including grizzly bear, wild turkey, bighorn sheep, beaver, pronghorn antelope and wolf. Beaver and wild turkey have since been reintroduced.

Prehistoric Human Occupation

There is little evidence of either Paleo-Indian or Archaic occupation of this region, although it was likely used sporadically by these peoples throughout the prehistoric millennia. The nomadic lifestyle of the late Archaic peoples eventually evolved into one of increasing population groups and sedentism, especially as maize became central to subsistence around 500 B.C. By 200 A.D., the Canyon de Chelly area was occupied by peoples we now classify as Basketmaker II. These people made temporary and seasonal shelters, often in the natural protection of the canyon's abundant rock shelters. Many of these shelters could only be reached by scaling the rock face by way of hand-and-toe holds. One such shelter, Mummy Cave, contains evidence of continuous occupation from 200 A.D. through abandonment of the canyon around A.D. 1300.

By 500 A.D., the Basketmaker III culture had evolved. These people lived in small villages composed of several to many pithouses in the canyon bottoms and in the alcoves of the canyon walls. The Basketmakers practiced simple agriculture on the arable lands of the canyons, growing crops of maize and squash irrigated by the canyon streams. They also made baskets, sandals, and other woven articles of fine quality, which have been well documented in the archaeological record at de Chelly. Archaeologists consider these Basketmaker III peoples as representing the first emergence of a distinct culture, the Kayenta Anasazi.

The time period between 700 and 1100 A.D.encompasses the Pueblo I and II Anasazi periods. Above-ground masonry or jacal (wattle-and-daub) pueblo structures became prevalent, first as storage rooms, then later as residences. Pithouses and kivas continued to be important architectural designs. The de Chelly Anasazi added beans and cotton to their agricultural domain, and domesticated dogs and turkeys were kept in the settlements. The Anasazi became skilled weavers of cotton clothing and blankets. Pottery making and the use of the bow and arrow developed during these periods.

It is estimated that the population of Canyon de Chelly increased sixfold between 850 and 1150. This population boom was likely brought about by the success of agriculture in the canyon, which was aided by the favorable climate of this period. Studies of tree rings, fossil pollen and excavated plant fragments indicate that rainfall was especially high between 1050 and 1150. Dry farming on the upland plateaus around the canyons supplemented canyon farming, as did collection of wild plants such as pinyon nuts and cactus fruits, and hunting of wild game animals including rabbit, antelope and bighorn sheep. Pottery made in Mesa Verde, Colorado and Chaco Canyon, New Mexico found at de Chelly sites attests to trade with outside tribes. The use of rock shelters as habitation sites declined throughout this period, a trend which continued into the early Pueblo III period, up to 1250.

In contrast, late Pueblo III times (1250-1300) were characterized by intense cliff dwelling construction, ranging in size from a few rooms to over a hundred rooms and accompanied by circular kivas. In addition, many existing cliff dwellings were greatly enlarged. Population estimates for the main canyon during this period range as high as 800. Immigrants from Mesa Verde and Chaco Canyon, New Mexico moved into the area during this time, building impressive pueblos in the style of their respective homelands. Despite immigration and increased construction, population levels began to decline, due in part to changing environmental conditions. Agricultural productivity deteriorated as precipitation decreased, periodic droughts struck, the water table lowered, and soil erosion increased.

Although the Anasazi had enjoyed relatively peaceful lives for most of their history, this began to change in the eleventh century. It is not clear whether nomadic Athabaskan or Shoshonean Ute tribes began to raid the area from the north and east or if the conflict was internal, but by the late 13th century site selection appears clearly to have been based on the need for defense. Many focal sites were strategically built on steep hilltops or high on canyon walls in such a way that each was visible to the others for communication and coordination. A number of burials bearing signs of violent death have been found in the canyons.

The last construction tree-ring date in Canyon de Chelly is 1286; by the end of the thirteenth century the region had been entirely abandoned. As with the similar abandonment of the entire Four Corners Region, it is not known the exact reason or combination of reasons leading to this exodus. Drought, natural resource depletion, arroyo cutting and warfare are all possible explanations. The Anasazi of Canyon de Chelly likely joined other Anasazi immigrants in new pueblos to the south and east, where their descendents still live today.

Historic Human Occupation

With the exception of sporadic Hopi occupation and farming, the Canyon de Chelly region remained unpopulated until Navajo people began to settle in the region in large numbers around 1750. Many of these settlers had been pushed out of former territories by pugnacious Ute tribes. The newly arrived Navajos learned agriculture from neighboring Pueblo peoples, whom they also raided for food and women. The canyon's reliable stream and fertile soils supported their crops, while the rocky alcoves provided refuge from attacking enemies such as the Ute and Comanche. As Spanish settlers encroached on the region in the late 18th century, the de Chelly Navajo often harbored fugitives from foreign rule, including Puebloans and other Navajo. Spanish attempts to subdue native peoples and convert them to Christianity were not well-received. The Navajo and other tribes often stole horses and livestock from the Spanish; many of these animals were brought to Canyon de Chelly.

In 1804, Spanish Lieutenant Antonio Narbona marched his men into Canyon de Chelly and attacked a group of women, children and elders hiding in what is now called Massacre Cave in Canyon del Muerto. One hundred and fifteen Navajos were killed and thirty-three taken captive in the two-day assault. Today, hundreds of bullet holes scar the cliff and bones of the victims remain scattered in the cave, untouched by the Navajos, as is custom. Raids and counter-raids continued for many decades, with both sides taking livestock and captives for slavery from each other. The situation only worsened after the U.S. gained its western territories in the Mexican War, leading to warring between Anglo-Americans and Navajos. Soldiers confiscated the Navajos' livestock and destroyed their crops. By the time Kit Carson arrived in 1863, the Navajos had little energy to resist, and the majority were marched off to Fort Sumner.

The Navajo returned to Canyon de Chelly from Fort Sumner in 1868, after a treaty was negotiated. Under the treaty terms, a 3.5 million acre Navajo reservation was created that encompassed Canyon de Chelly and the Chuska Mountains. Homes were rebuilt, flocks of sheep reestablished and fields cultivated, as warring and raiding became a thing of the past. Since then, the Navajos have remained in the canyons, both permanently and seasonally, tending fruit orchards and farming corn, melons, squash and beans. Overgrazing of large sheep herds on the rangeland has caused desertification of some pastures, as well as disastrous erosion. In the 1930s the U.S. government moved to drastically reduce herds, a difficult experience for these pastoral people. By 1935, the reservation area had been increased to its modern size of 18 million acres, greatly relieving grazing pressures as herdsmen were able to spread out over the region.

Canyon de Chelly was declared a national monument in 1931. In a rare arrangement with the National Park Service, tribal rights and land ownership were preserved in the park, with the Park Service and the Navajo Nation jointly managing the lands. Coal, uranium and oil mining on the reservation lands around the canyon, though controversial, have provided the Navajo people with a great financial boost. The schools, hospitals and roads of the large Navajo towns of Chinle just west of the monument and Window Rock south of the monument on the Defiance Plateau were largely financed by mining royalties.

Today the monument is a popular destination of the Four Corners area. Visitors come to view the spectacular ruins and scenery, as well as for recreation. In 1998, over 2 million visited the park. Also the Navajo exert strict controls over their activities, such large numbers of visitors take a toll on the monument and its residents.